In what ways is intelligence measurable?

 

�Rocks are smarter than cats because rocks have the sense to go away when you kick them.� Nothing would stop us agreeing with cognitive scientist, Zenon Pylyshnyn�s statement unless we first stipulated that intelligence requires direction, in our case the agency of the human consciousness. It is perhaps this set of beliefs and desires, and indeed any sense of semantics behind the syntax which so perplexes the goal of a humanly-conscious machine, as opposed to a behaviouralists� stimulus-response model of a human (�The question is not whether machines think, but whether men do� � Skinner). Furthermore, as James recognised with his analogy of the lover beating a path to his beloved being so very different to the iron filings attracted to a magnet, we have truth-obeying reason to help us, as computer scientists Newell and Simon recognised with their definition of intelligence consisting of the following steps: specifying a goal; assessing a current situation to see how it differs from the goal; and applying a set of operation that reduce the difference.

 

Despite having had an enormous effect outside the field of experimental psychology, IQ testing has a very different basis. It escalated from Binet�s commission by the French government to identify intellectually-handicapped children needing special education, as he realised that the task required a test for underlying capacity rather than an exam which focused on knowledge-based answers. He decided upon three principles:

 

1.   a complex test would be required because intelligence is complex

2.   using completely familiar or unfamiliar items eliminates variations in knowledge, experience, background and teaching standards

3.   using age changes, i.e. development, as the criterion for selecting items and standardising the results

 

With his colleague, Simon, he produced a list of tasks, which they ordered according to the mean age of child able to perform the task (e.g. utilising working memory, copying simple diagrams, supplying opposite analogies, recognising verbal absurdities and rhyme). The entire Binet-Simon test was devised in this way, using the age at which an item could be answered by children of a certain age as being indicative of its difficulty, based on his assumption of intelligence as developing sequentially with age. This is justifiable in neurophysiological terms: post-natal myelination of axons (such as in the visual cortex); genetic time-lapsed switches (with phenomena of intelligence such as language acquisition deteriorating markedly post-puberty); and the synaptic plasticity of the brain which admits the incredible number of connections made in the child�s early years. Moreover, stage-based theories of logical development such as Piaget�s demonstrate marked sequential development, in tests like seriation and class inclusion, which are utilised in IQ tests.

 

Ordering development-sensitive items led to Binet�s fulfilment of the commission, neatly defining and sorting intellectually-handicapped children quantitatively as being those with a mental age (MA) markedly lower than their chronological age (CA), with mental age being defined in terms of the number of items answered (6 items = 5-year old, 12 items = 6-year old etc.). The test�s validity derived from its success as a predictor for academic success, achieving a correlation of around +0.5. This has remained a tenet of IQ tests since, including Terman�s American adaption, with most having an IQ/exam correlation of between +0.4 and +0.6 (the average being approximately +0.55 (Anastasi)). Stern later extended this concept to produce his Intelligence Quotient (IQ) using the formula:

 

IQ

=

MA

x

100

CA

 

The test had a variety of implications: it had wide practical benefits in education; demonstrated objectively the jumps in intellectual development; and showed the difficulty for children of performing seemingly simple tasks (such as copying a diamond, which requires a MA of 7, as opposed to copying a square which requires a MA of 5).

 

It was Spearman at the turn of the century who brought the debate about intelligence away from validatable measurements to whatever nebulous quantity it is that we possess which is versatile enough to be applicable to all these heterogenous tasks. This is demonstrable by the continuing correlation between marks achieved by an individual across a wide range of seemingly disparate intelligence-testing activities. He posited a �general factor� of intelligence, g, which he measured using factor analyses, although he admitted the necessity for there to be some relatively independent specific factors as well. This seems particularly necessary in the light of the so-called idiot-savants (usually suffering from autism or in some way handicapped), whose fantastic abilites in one area, such as memory, computation (e.g. the �calendrial calculators�) or drawing, bely a wholly universal intelligence despite evident correlation between the variety of tasks employed by IQ tests. Although the search for g has advanced little since the turn of the century, it has been possible to break them down into categories, the two most easily delineated being �verbal� and �spatial�. This verbal/non-verbal split is employed by most modern tests, such as the Wechsler tests (WPPSI, WISC and WAIS), and has proved particularly useful in the study of disorders like autism or brain damage.

 

The use of IQ tests has grown enormously. However, given the purely developmental basis and premises for their design, they tend to be most accurate for differentiating individual children or as a marker for future ability. Even so, there have been shown to be reasonably strong correlations between adults� IQs and their IQs as children.

 

�Intelligence is what the IQ tests measure� (Tomlin) is the flippant definition with an element of truth, given intelligence�s elusive but seemingly measurable quality in humans. As Pinker summarised it, �Intelligence is the abilty to attain goals in the face obstacles by means of decision based on rational rules�, which takes into account how very well-equipped we are to live in our world. It is only by making assumptions inducted from our wealth of experience that we are able to function so well. His explanation of how our minds work is founded on this evolutionary psychology approach, as well as a computational theory of mind where function-specific modules give us our amazing versatility within defined limits.